The General
Strike of May 1926 was short, and a failure, but it had a profound effect on
how trade union leaders and members regarded themselves and their place in the
economic life of the United Kingdom.
The causes of
the General Strike
The General
Strike of 1926 is looked upon as the “gold standard” by some of today’s militant
unionists who regard it as a triumph that they would like to repeat. Bringing the
vast majority of working people out on strike at the same time would be seen by
them as a good way of asserting their industrial muscle.
Ironically,
it was a real “gold standard” that was the root cause of the strike. The
Conservatives, under Stanley Baldwin, won the General Election of 1924 and
replaced Ramsay Macdonald’s short-lived minority Labour government. The new
Chancellor of the Exchequer was Winston Churchill, whose greatest desire was to
return Britain
and the pound sterling to the gold standard that it had left on the outbreak of
war in 1914.
The Gold
Standard Act of 1925 had the effect of over-valuing the pound and making it
more difficult for British goods and services to be sold abroad. Prices rose
sharply, as did unemployment in such labour-intensive industries as coalmining
and shipbuilding. The owners of mines and factories wanted to cut wages (and
lengthen working hours) in order to lower export prices, whereas their
employees sought increased wages to compensate for the higher prices of food
and goods.
An added
pressure on the mine-owners was the renewed production of coal from mines in Germany that
had been closed after the 1914-18 war. This extra competition meant that
British mines needed to keep their prices as low as possible, even if this
meant being bribed with government subsidies so that they avoided the need to
cut wages.
A Royal
Commission was established in 1925 under Sir Herbert Samuel to investigate the
economics of coal production, and it reported in March 1926 by recommending
that subsidies be withdrawn and wages be cut, but that miners’ hours should not
be increased. This compromise pleased nobody, with the mine owners and trade
union leaders subsequently taking more entrenched positions.
The miners’
leader, A J Cook, came up with the slogan: “Not a penny off the pay, not a
minute on the day”. Lord Birkenhead, who was a notable lawyer and a friend of
Winston Churchill, remarked that he had thought the unionists to be the
stupidest men he had ever met, until he met the mine owners.
The course of
the Strike
It was the
mine owners who brought matters to a head on 1st May, in what
certainly looks like an act of stupidity, by locking union members out and
refusing to let them work until they accepted a wage cut. The Trades Union
Congress (TUC) then called on all union members in affiliated unions to come
out on strike on 3rd May. The General Strike had begun.
One myth
associated with the General Strike is that it was truly “general” by being a
united strike by all members of TUC affiliated unions. It is true that around
one and a half million workers downed tools, but ninety percent of them were
miners and the rest came out in their support. Some important groups of workers
were not called out on strike, including those in the vital sector of power
generation. Given that virtually all the electricity and domestic gas supply
was produced by the burning of coal, the lights would stay on and food would be
cooked for as long as the coal stocks held out.
However, the
public transport unions did strike, and the popular image of the General Strike
is of upper-class students from Oxford and Cambridge manning the buses and
trains to keep them running. However, there is another myth here, because most
of the strike-breakers came from the same working-class background as the
strikers.
There were
fears among some in high places that the General Strike would turn into a
“British Revolution”, but this also proved to be far from reality. The strike
was pursued with hardly any violence, certainly not against the Police and
armed forces who guarded the power stations and other key facilities, and not
even against the many strike-breakers. Apart from suffering the inconvenience
caused by interruptions to transport and various other services, the British
public took the General Strike in their stride and patiently saw it through.
The legacy of
the Strike
The General
Strike ended as suddenly as it had begun, with the TUC calling it off on 12th
May, having gained nothing from the nine days that it lasted. Far from being
the class war that had been anticipated, the strike proved to be little more
than a bloodless skirmish.
The country
was little different at the end of the nine days than it had been at the
beginning. Most of the miners stayed on strike for some time longer, but coal
supplies held up well enough to allow the infrastructure of the power and
transport systems to continue. Britain
stayed on the gold standard for another five years, but was eventually forced
to leave it for ever in 1931.
Worse
conditions were to follow for working people during the Great Depression that
was not far away, starting in 1929, with its rocketing unemployment and hunger
marches.
However, although
the General Strike was a failure, from the working class point of view, it did
mark a major step forward for the trade union movement in that it showed how
working people could act together and demonstrate solidarity against oppressive
owners and managers of factories and mines. The unions now knew that they had a
powerful weapon at their disposal in the battle for workers’ rights and improved
conditions, and later union leaders were to make full use of their growing
power as the century progressed.
The General
Strike also did much to accelerate the growth of the Labour Party at the
expense of the Liberals, with Labour winning the largest number of seats at the
1929 general election. The mining areas of Britain
would be rock-solid territory for Labour for decades to come, and that legacy
continues to the present day, especially in South Wales.
Whether there
will ever be another general strike in Britain is a matter of conjecture,
given the relative weakness of the trade union movement at the present time.
However, the 1926 example is still one that many on the left-wing fringes of
trade unionism look back on with misty-eyed fondness.
© John
Welford